Cultura E Imperialismo 4 Ed.
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Jamás en toda la historia el fenómeno del imperialismo tuvo las dimensiones que alcanzara en el siglo XIX y principios del XX. Roma, Bizancio o España en su momento de máximo esplendor, no pueden compararse con Francia, Estados Unidos o Gran Bretaña. Con todo, y a pesar de que este fenómeno ha afectado profundamente la vida en las grandes capitales imperiales y en sus colonias, su influencia en los productos culturales de Occidente nunca ha sido suficientemente estudiada. Edward W. Said, mediante un análisis sutil y brillante de algunos de estos productos más emblemáticos la Aida, de Verdi, El corazón de las tinieblas, de Conrad, El extranjero, de Camus ilumina la cooperación entre cultura y política que ha producido a sabiendas o a ciegas un sistema de dominación que implicaba mucho más que cañones y soldados, una soberanía que se extendía sobre formas e imágenes y comprometía la imaginación de dominadores y dominados. El resultado fue una \"visión consolidada\" que afirmaba no sólo el derecho de Occidente a gobernar, sino tambien su obligación. Said despliega, según sus propias palabras, las diferentes etapas del \"contrapunto\" entre metrópolis y periferias, y construye una obra indispensable para la comprensión del proceso histórico y cultural más complejo y abarcador Ver más Normandos. Los vikingos que crearon Europa De la mano del joven medievalista Levi Roach, esta obra nos acerca a una de las civilizaciones que más alteraron el rumbo de la historia medieval europea.
Jamás en toda la historia el fenómeno del imperialismo tuvo las dimensiones que alcanzara en el siglo XIX y principios del XX. Roma, Bizancio o España en su momento de máximo esplendor, no pueden compararse con Francia, Estados Unidos o Gran Bretaña. Con todo, y a pesar de que este fenómeno ha afectado profundamente la vida en las grandes capitales imperiales y en sus colonias, su influencia en los productos culturales de Occidente nunca ha sido suficientemente estudiada. Edward W. Said, mediante un análisis sutil y brillante de algunos de estos productos más emblemáticos la Aida, de Verdi, El corazón de las tinieblas, de Conrad, El extranjero, de Camus ilumina la cooperación entre cultura y política que ha producido a sabiendas o a ciegas un sistema de dominación que implicaba mucho más que cañones y soldados, una soberanía que se extendía sobre formas e imágenes y comprometía la imaginación de dominadores y dominados. El resultado fue una \"visión consolidada\" que afirmaba no sólo el derecho de Occidente a gobernar, sino tambien su obligación. Said despliega, según sus propias palabras, las diferentes etapas del \"contrapunto\" entre metrópolis y periferias, y construye una obra indispensable para la comprensión del proceso histórico y cultural más complejo y abarcador Ver más Ficha técnica de CULTURA E IMPERIALISMO (4ª ED.)
Imperialism is the state policy, practice, or advocacy of extending power and dominion, especially by direct territorial acquisition or by gaining political and economic control of other areas,[2][3] often through employing hard power (economic and military power), but also soft power (cultural and diplomatic power). While related to the concepts of colonialism and empire, imperialism is a distinct concept that can apply to other forms of expansion and many forms of government.
The concept of cultural imperialism refers to the cultural influence of one dominant culture over others, i.e. a form of soft power, which changes the moral, cultural, and societal worldview of the subordinate culture. This means more than just \"foreign\" music, television or film becoming popular with young people; rather that a populace changes its own expectations of life, desiring for their own country to become more like the foreign country depicted. For example, depictions of opulent American lifestyles in the soap opera Dallas during the Cold War changed the expectations of Romanians; a more recent example is the influence of smuggled South Korean drama-series in North Korea. The importance of soft power is not lost on authoritarian regimes, which may oppose such influence with bans on foreign popular culture, control of the internet and of unauthorised satellite dishes etc. Nor is such a usage of culture recent - as part of Roman imperialism, local elites would be exposed to the benefits and luxuries of Roman culture and lifestyle, with the aim that they would then become willing participants.
Further divergence among historians can be attributed to varying theoretical perspectives regarding imperialism that are proposed by emerging academic schools of thought. Noteworthy examples include cultural imperialism, whereby proponents such as John Downing and Annabelle Sreberny-Modammadi define imperialism as \"...the conquest and control of one country by a more powerful one.\"[130] Cultural imperialism signifies the dimensions of the process that go beyond economic exploitation or military force.\" Moreover, colonialism is understood as \"...the form of imperialism in which the government of the colony is run directly by foreigners.\"[131]
Indigenous political theory has developed into a robust scholarshipthat calls for the radical responsibility of Indigenous nations fortheir own self-determination. This scholarship advocates for theemergence of a new set of values that develops not through privileginga European conception of universalism but by sketching a conception ofuniversalism that emerges from the co-existence of many particulars.This emergent universalism assembles different worlds and ideas ofcivilization by addressing issues surrounding land rights and culturaldistinctiveness.
This book compiles 188 unpublished letters which, from 1906 until 1970, Pilar de Zubiaurre wrote to and mostly received from numerous Hispanic intellectuals and artists, ranging from José Ortega y Gasset to Zenobia Camprubí and María Martos de Baeza. The volume is divided into three main sections, organized chronologically: letters of her youth, letters during the Spanish Civil War, and letters during exile. In the first section, which includes numerous letters from painters (e.g. Aurelio Arteta, José de Togores, Manuel Fontanals) and writers (e.g. Gabriel Miró, Azorín, Concha Méndez), we witness the active Spanish cultural life during the 20s and 30s. The second section shows the propaganda efforts of the Republican intellectuals during the Civil War, as well as the difficulties of daily life. The third section, the longest in the volume, comprises letters from fellow exiles such as Gonzalo Rodríguez Lafora and Ángel Ossorio, letters sent from Spain by relatives and friends, and letters from American intellectuals such as Susana Huntington. The letters from female friends such as Camprubí and Martos de Baeza are especially relevant because they illustrate how women in exile kept alive the Republican memory and built communicative bridges between Spain and the exile communities in America.
This volume compiles the articles and diaries that Basque author Pilar de Zubiaurre wrote at the beginning of the 20th century and during her exile in Mexico, where she lived for thirty years. Zubiaurre played a decisive role in the culture of Spain during the 1920s and 30s, organizing gatherings, befriending the chief Spanish artists and literary figures of her time, and participating actively in the founding and development of the Lyceum Club Femenino in Madrid, the first cultural association of Spanish women.
En la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, miembros de las compañías comerciales europeas organizaron las primeras logias masónicas de ultramar en las distintas ciudades portuarias insertas en el sistema global de relaciones de mercado. A partir de ese momento y a medida que se intensificaron los imperialismos, se fundaron nuevas logias, que asociaron a una importante cantidad de extranjeros europeos en su mayoría y, desde la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, de nativos. En consiguiente, este ensayo propone interpretar desde la historia global cómo los imperialismos condicionaron la inserción de las masonerías más allá de Europa, y de qué manera funcionó como una red de sociabilidad internacional.
In a lecture delivered in 1950, Fernand Braudel defended the idea that History is the daughter of its time and, therefore, the way in which it is constructed is determined by its historical present1. The context of this assertion was after World War II, times of profound changes in the international panorama that, among other things, cried out for an academic and an intellectual renewal in the ways of understanding Humanity. Bruce Mazlish2 explains that this moment gave rise to a conjuncture of gradual loss of the intellectual and political Western primacy. Moreover, as the world expanded and became more connected, the Eurocentric notion3 was strongly attacked by postcolonial and multicultural tendencies, giving rise to the World History. However, History soon played its role within the process of major transformations: Globalization4.
The conception of Universal History continued to develop from the ideas of the most outstanding thinkers of Enlightenment. What is worth keeping in mind from this proposal is that, although it began to include in its vision, spaces, and themes other cultures, different from the European ones, it kept on reproducing a Eurocentric standpoint. The philosopher and economist Adam Smith, for example, in his famous work The Wealth of Nations8, considered that the economic and cultural wealth of China was unmatched in Europe. Smith highlighted the Chinese agricultural system, the industrious and fertile agricultural fields, the cheapness of rice production compared to that of the wheat in Europe, the breadth of its markets and the size of its population. In addition, Smith characterized China as an elite, asserting that it was the richest nation in the world, but at the expense of a poverty-stricken majority. In this divergence between the Chinese and Europ